Whitness - White trash, white people Assignment

Whitness - White trash, white people - Assignment Example modern structure and reconstitutions of the white identity and its implications to various regional and national contexts where the white privilege is in effect and what this entails. The essay also attempts to understand the multiplicity of whiteness and its connections with other social structures more so for the social classes (Dwyer and Jones 209). Pay attention to the intertwining connection of racial categories and the power granting certain privileges to certain social categories and how it eventually affects attitudes towards certain racial classes (McCann 2). According to Ignatiev, â€Å"Whiteness is not a culture...Whiteness has nothing to do with culture and everything to do with social position. It is nothing but a reflection of privilege, and exists for no reason other than to defend it† (par. 3). For many years whiteness has generally gone under the radar remaining untouched and deactivated, mainly taken for granted in the social and popular discussions involving race. Many studies and works have shown on occasion that white is always an available and open choice when talking about race and more often than not whites have had the opportunity to glance at world through a sieve of racial responsiveness (Ramos-Zayas 76) but as such remains to be an invisible race. In films it is sometimes difficult to see whiteness depicted in the film as an ethnic class as it is difficult to perceive it in a sense that white power is secure in its hold on its position of authority (Dryer 126). Although upon closer inspection it comes up as empty, absent even dead or at the point of death, but one might realize that it is important to try to make some development in seeing whiteness as a cultural or ethnic category. Studies have often portrayed various groups as oppressed, marginal or subordinate including women, the working class, ethnic and other minorities like gay and lesbians, the disabled and the elderly. The urge to do such lies in the logic on how these social

Technological developments Essay Example for Free

Technological developments Essay Football boots are light weight and are made of such materials as kangaroo leather. Most top level players have sock-liners which fit with the contours of foot to provide extra comfort and strategically-placed traction blades provide maximum grip. Football boots help with a player grip, acceleration and turning ability. Footballs have had technological advancements such as having air retention system, being high density and having a high abrasion surface which provides extra durability. The match balls played with in the premiership is precision engineered to exact standards to ensure that it is produced to within 3g of its ideal weight and to an exact circumference of 68. 5cm. The benefits of the newer footballs are the increased swerve that the ball offers and a better accuracy of passing. Gloves The latest pair of reusch goalie gloves helps to prevent injury to the goalies hands through reusch Ortho-Tec glove which provides protection for vulnerable areas of the hand. The gloves upper hand is reinforced in a way that the fingers including the thumb are braced against forces occurring during a balls impact. The system not only prevents injuries, it is also suitable to disburden and protect an injury already sustained. Gloves have also been adapted to different weather conditions as well; gloves are made from soft latex foam with excellent properties for use in various weather conditions. Goalie gloves benefit the goalie by mainly by providing extra grip and power. Shirts The material design of footballs shirts have improved to provide better comfort. The new Manchester United kit incorporates Nikes new dri-fit technology. Dri wit wicks sweat away so that the player stays dry and comfortable. It also has strategically placed mesh panels that promote air cooling where heat is most generated. Facility design features and benefits Retractable roof The millennium stadium in Cardiff has a retractable roof which means that the roof can be closed if the weather forecast predicts heavy rain. This benefits the game itself and the fans. It saves the fans from getting soaked and it saves the players having to slosh around in mud. Mostly cup finals are played at the Millennium stadium and the fans wish the game to be viewed on a nice good to firm ground not a wet one. Undersoil heating Is valuable asset and a must for all big football clubs. It can allow a team to play or train on a pitch that the weather would otherwise have made unusable or it can generally soften up the ground for training purposes. Astroturf pitches For training purposes Astroturf is of benefit to players because Astroturf is all weather, meaning that when the players unable to play on their training pitch die to water logging they can go and train on the Astroturf pitch instead. Video Analysis Andy Gray is probably the most renowned broadcast analyst in the football industry. He has a 30 minute slot after most live sky matches in which he practically dissects the game explaining the reasons goals were score and analysing player performance. Racquets Tennis has changed drastically since the huge investment in technological advancements the main one being the racquets. They now look completely different to those of 20 years ago, they are now lighter, and have larger faces and shorter shafts. This has created a larger sweet spot and has encouraged players to increase their power. By increasing power to a phenomenal level the game is often much shorter as the serve can kill a game off. This is mainly because the way in which the rackets have been made. This has made tennis players adjust everything about their game, from positioning, this is now further back for the serve, to two-handed return to try and increase power. The player now trains more on power based activity service technique. Trainers Tennis shoes have changed greatly over the years. Reebok have recently developed the DMX technology. This is a sole that claims to reduce the stress on the legs and heels when running; it does this by shifting the force of the impact across a wider area on the foot. This material is also light and so is easy to run in and can help to improve performance. Another company big among tennis players is New Balance who also have their own suspension system. This consists of various different parts of a sole that all work together to reduce the impact on the foot as well as stability in the way that it reduces rolling of the foot as well as over pronation. New Balance also have a brand, called Abzorb SBS, it has been developed so that when impact with the ground has been made the technology displaces the energy over the whole foot. Asics developed gel technology in their trainers nearly 20 years ago and it is still in their trainers today, the silicon gel attenuates the shock made on impact and works in conjunction with the lateral rear foot flex grooves within the sole to improve comfort. Tennis Balls There are different types of tennis balls depending on what surface the game is played on. Some balls are designed for hardcourt and grass, while others are designed for clay courts. The ball can vary by about 1/8 of an inch in size and 1/16th of an ounce in weight. Its rebound height can vary almost 10%. The stiffness, defined by the deformation under pressure, can vary over 5%. The benefits of the different types of tennis balls are that a player can choose a set of tennis balls depending on his style of play or the type of court he is playing on. Shirts Top players such as Raphael Nadal are sponsored to wear Nikes dri-fit range of shirts. This shirt has all the benefits that I described earlier regarding those in football who dri-fit. Other benefits of the shirts are that they have the seams sewn flat to eliminate chafing. Facility design features and benefits Fast Dry Courts Whats new is that todays courts are being watered from underneath. This changes a lot of things, not the least of which is the way fast dry courts play. The benefit of the fast dry court is that it allows players to play when they would otherwise not be able to. These types of dry court surfaces dont get saturated with water and water is not allowed to seep into the base material. Cyclops Cyclops technology helps tennis umpires by emitting a loud beep when a ball lands outside the service area. This helps the umpire with important decisions that could decide big matches such as Wimbledon or the Davis cup. Hawkeye Hawkeye is being tested at the moment before being used in all 4 majors. It has been used in the Australian open where it helps the umpire to make line calls. The benefits to tennis is that if accurate hawkeye will give us a fair tennis result there will be no more John McEnroes I dont believe it just a fair accurate result. PRM PRM has been developed by IBM to help the players and coaches plan their tactics for the tournament. Vital match data is gathered by courtside experts and fed instantly via powerful IBM servers to coaches and players in formats suited to their specific needs. With this data to hand, they can iron out their game, or use it to find weaknesses in their next opponents, which makes for better games. Compare the benefits of technological developments on equipment and facility design in two contrasting sports

The Development of Complex Societies

The Development of Complex Societies Introduction The development of complex societies differs from other societies, not only in the number of differentiated societal parts, but whereas in simpler societies that are basically self-regulating, in decision-making functions of its societal components of which these are not generalized and constant. The term state however contains an internally specialised decision-making subsystem. This subsystem or bureaucracy has the power to mobilise certain resources that are not totally embedded within the various societal components. In this essay I have tried to look at the reason behind the rise of complex societies, using material four different ancient societies that of Mesopotamia, China, The Indus Valley and Egypt in and broken down each state in turn to help define the possible reason for each. Ancient Mesopotamia section In Mesopotamia around 4600 to 3400 millennia B.C. which incorporated the Late Ubaid period and into the Middle Uruk period, a relatively complex political formations had emerged at various different times and places. By the end of the Ubaid period, around the late 5th millennia B.C., three-level settlement hierarchies with indications of two levels of political and economic control in south western Iran and probably elsewhere (Wright 1994) was present. By about 4000 B.C., the earliest Uruk formations had emerged along the irrigated regions of the Lower Mesopotamia, the Euphrates-Tigris river system. Evidence from sites suggest a four level settlement hierarchy, with three levels of political control, this suggests a pattern not feasible without internal administrative specialisation, typical of states. At this point due to the lack of unexcavated Early Uruk sites, there is no evidence from the architecture of public buildings or administrative technology such as seals or sealings to indicate the control apparatus. Geographically major centres appear to be both closely and evenly spaced, without however showing a clearly dominant or primate centre. In contrast to this, in the dry-farmed Upper Mesopotamia during the same period settlement patterns and arte-factual evidence suggests different aspects of emergent complexity. In the north eastern portion of Iraq recent analysis done by Rotham (2002) presents evidence of both domestic and public buildings. From the small centre of Tepe Gawra, seals and sealings showing increasing hierarchy in the production of crafts and exchanges as well as showing period of conflict. Ongoing research in the central portion of Upper Mesopotamia indicates centres like Tell Brak had existed at the same time and appears also to have had specialised administrative buildings. Research only shows at this point three levels of hierarchy. The collective data can suggest that different elements of state organisation were present in different areas early in the Uruk period. From the Middle Uruk period, evidence points to a developed Uruk state with internally specialised control apparatus which is present in many parts of Greater Mesopotamia (Johnson 1987; Wright 1998). The emergence of the Mesopotamian civilisation can be seen in the unique ecological and geographical framework of the alluvial lowlands of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers around the late 5th and 4th Millennia B.C. The ecology framework gives the emerging Mesopotamian societies important advantages in agricultural productivity and subsistence; this is not seen by contemporary polities at the periphery: the geographical framework presents the Mesopotamian societies with sustainable transportation advantages. These two factors created opportunities for rising Mesopotamian elites who could use trade as an important tool for legitimate control of power and expansion resulting in unequal share of resources. In forming a hypothesis for the growing socio-economic differentiation and urban growth giving rise to complex societies in Mesopotamia in the 4th Millennia B.C. modelling trade pattern growth can provide us with some answers. Trade would have been at first largely internal, focussing on individual southern polities that exploited localised ecological rich niches during the Late Ubaid and Early Uruk period. Middle to Late Uruk periods shows a much stronger pattern of external trade between the growing southern cities and the societies at their periphery. Again those in control of more converted resources gained more prominence. Over time a import-substitution process then amplified the one-sided evolutionary impact on the southern societies and shifting trade patterns. Mesopotamia shows gradualist evolutionary perspective, showing clear lines of continuity and change in presenting the core feature of the rise of complex societies of the Sumerian civilisation. A steady state or evenly paced change is nor seen. Both their long histories for their system of writing and temple complexes are salient comparative points. Social complexity is seen through a gradual emergence of settlement hierarchy indicative of a growing administrative structure and cumulative change in craft specialisation. Ancient China Section Early agriculture, building foundations and burials have been documented in China dating back to around 7th Millennia B.C. belonging to the Peiligang culture, but it is not until the first half of the 2nd Millennia B.C. that there is evidence for the first cities from the Shang civilisation. Though there is no significant visible trace above ground of the Shang cities, city sites can be portrayed of areas around 30 and 40 km2, with foundation ruins of clusters of buildings of various sorts. The clusters would have been densest around the centre, becoming sparser with greater distances between one another as they moved away towards the periphery. The clusters probably performed special functions and only this entire web of clusters formed a functional whole. The term web works well, as the clusters of buildings formed the nodules the invisible lines, served as complementary relationships that interconnected the nodules with one another and the centre as a whole. An-yang and Hsiao-tun are two very important sites showing clusters of buildings each laid out in a recognisable plan. At Hsiao-tun although the general architecture is unimpressive, the houses are surrounded by sacrificial burials of humans and horse chariots, storage pits and bone archives of the royal oracle records: this evidence suggests a palace, ancestral hall and ceremonial area of the house of the Shang dynasty (Shih 1959). Other remains of villages or hamlets of various sizes and sorts often within site of one another are also present. The An-yang web of individual nodular components with Hsiao-tun at its nerve centre projects am image of a single community, an urban settlement with many people with specialised segments all representing the Shang capital. The location of a central city may have been looked upon for a limited period as geomantically favourable. The movement of one site to another dictated by divination. Once the capital was moved away whatever was left behind was then transformed into farming fields. What was important was the city, not the site it sat upon. Movement from site to site was at the kings prerogative, with layout and structuring designed to serve him as the centre of attention. The first cities were developed to serve a number of functions all associated to the emergence of a ruler who possessed extraordinary political powers. Central features such as kingship are vital to our understanding of social complexity in northern China. The king presided over a hierarchy of economy, government and religion with himself at the top and centre. The central city was an effective mechanism at exerting political control over all the other settlements. Cities and towns can be seen as lineages at local levels, each hierarchically organised through the state. The elites hold on the lower classes would have been total, one that was sanctioned by fiction and enforced by might. The transition from the Neolithic Lungshan culture to the Shang civilisation presents a quantum leap in the quality of life for the elite, there is however no obvious change in the technology of food production. It is possible that the Shang used fertilizers or had more effective measures of irrigation. There is evidence of more effective cultivation methods that of the tilling of land by team, the so-called hsieh tien, a phrase often seen in the oracle records (Amano 1959). This can lead to a conclusion that during the Shang period there was the successful organisation of large-scale exploitation of a large group of people by a small group of people from within the same society. This can also be seen as the beginning of an oppressive governmental system. This urban revolution was not based on technology or power of production but on reaps of human toil. Clearly two factors not of significance here like in other archaic states are massive changes in the environment and large-scale waterworks. The success of social complexity is derived from a revolution of social systems, which in turn re-aligned societal segments in regards to food resources; coupled with advances in new weaponry, in particular the horse chariot used an effective tool for any necessary oppressive measures in the emergence of a great civilisation. Ancient Indus society The Urban Phase of the Indus or Harappan civilisation is beginning to be recognised in its own right as a unique complex society. The roots of sedentism and the village farming community can be dated back to around the 7th Millennia B.C. or even earlier. Set in the central Indus Valley on the Kachi Plain at a site called Mehrgarh, the Indus urban revolution that was to follow is seen as being thoroughly Indianized, being structured by environment, ecology and architecture. Whilst other states in the archaic period emerged from a long, slow period of gradual and constant culture modification, that eventually led to an emerging pattern of urbanisation and social complexity; the Harappan civilisation seems to have come about in a very short period of transformation, something in the region of 100-150 years. The Pre-Urban and Urban Phase of the Indus civilisation focuses on two things: items related to subsistence and the expression of style. There is clear signs of social stratification, craft and career specialisation, writing and urbanisation in the urban phase, which are all absent in the pre-urban phase. Great change is also seen in the urban phase with a significant increase in sites, followed by a gap in settlement size. Three major sites come to grow all evenly spaced within the Harappan domain Mohenjo-daro, Ganweriwala and Harappa. Evidence indicates two tiers of Harappan settlement, with regional centres or capitals developing in the urban phase. Most evident during the Urban Phase in many Harappan cities and towns is the clear demarcation of public versus private space. The citadel appears at a number of sites and is set apart from actual living space, whereas possible granaries or warehouses are within public spaces suggesting controlled forms of redistribution. Social differentiation is clearly seen in elite and lower class housing within cities. Successful social complexity in the Mature Harappan presents itself through clear signs of social stratification, craft specialism (which was established in some cities within specific districts), and sophisticated engineering and technology development and maintenance, which is indicative of the growth of civic institutions. Smaller settlements were integrated with the great urban centres. There is evidence for intensification of agriculture which concentrated on barley and wheat. Long distance trade networks were established to the east and west alongside internal commerce. Trade was advanced by the use of the wheel (the bullock cart), and that of the boat, with extensive maritime trading at outposts such as Lothal and Bakalot. Shallow harbours which were located at the estuary of rivers that opened into the sea promoted brisk trade with states like that of Mesopotamia. Social complexity is also increasing evident seen through the rise of literacy and social classes, these are two critical axes on which an evaluation of the growth of the Harappan civilisation can proceed (Possehl, 273, 1990). The growth of writing plays a critical role in the Indus as it had in Mesopotamia. Whilst trade and intense economic processes played a revolutionary role in the success of social complexity in the Harappan civilisation, there is one more institutional setting as referred to by Possehl (1990: 277) that is vital to the success of social complexity in the Indus, it is of the organisation of human ideology. The belief systems of what researcher Robert Redfield had referred to as the Great Tradition, in describing a way of life as a vehicle that enables those who share it to identify with one another as members of a common civilisation (Redfield, 1953, 64). Redfield goes on further to explain in regards to the state that the transformation of folk-society into civilisation through the appearance of development of the idea of reform†¦ by deliberate intention or by design (Redfield, 1953, 113). An important aspect to the growth of the Indus region was in its organisational aspects. The Urban phase of the Harappan civilisation was able to form strong temporary allian ces from the surrounding area based on a unique human ideology. This belief system enabled the Harappan civilisation to sustain a successful way of life throughout the Indus region. Operatives like trade, ideology and other institutional settings become centres of action that can promote social complexity and interconnect processes of change: they can in turn be changed by their own socio-cultural environment. Ancient Egypt Society Egypts history is complex, by the mid 5th Millennia B.C. it appears to be occupied by communities of people living in small functionally similar agricultural communities which appear to be only weakly connected politically and economically. But by around 2500 B.C. Egypt had become an integrated empire whose rulers power was expressed through a complex hierarchical bureaucracy. Egypts early settlements were concentrated along the small dynamic floodplain of the Nile. The Nile flood levels were powerful determents of Egypts cultural history. However this flood plain offered the same approximate natural resources for the whole of Egypts developing complexity, and therefore patterns of cultural change cannot be simply explained in terms of the flood variations of the Nile. Agricultural intensification along the Nile would have it own geometric limits and it wasnt until a full conversion to an agrarian society making use of wheat and barley, and domesticated sheep and goats that were introduced from probably south west Asia that changes took place. These changes have been documented in one of the most important areas of the time that of the Fayyum. Egypt: Origins of Complex Societies Hierakonpolis is an extremely important site as it contains the complete Badarian-Amratian-Gerzean sequence. Settled around the 4th Millennia B.C., it is believed the rapid growth of the community was due to the ecological diversity and the exceptional agricultural potential of the region. A massive population explosion occurred around 3800 to 3400 B.C. Its economy was based on both technology (a major pottery producer for Upper Egypt) and productive cereal agriculture along with the exploitation of livestock. From its size and rich content of some tombs the economy operated in the context of significant social ranking (Hoffman: 182). By 3200 B.C. there is evidence for cobblestone foundations that support a theory of a fortified palace, temple or administrative centre and Hoffman et al have concluded that Hierakonpolis had become the capital of a southern Egyptian state. The development of the Egyptian civilisation can be seen as an essentially internal and uninterrupted process, wit h Hierakonpolis lying at the centre. The Narmer Palette and other important finds at Hierakonpolis clearly suggest a centralised and stratified society. Maadi dated to around 3650 B.C. is another important site. It shows pottery style connections to Syro-Palestine and that of Greater Mesopotamia. Burials show sufficient diversity in contexts to reflect differences in status and emerging social ranking. Its site plans, finds and other evidence point to an organised society that controlled commodity production and exchange, alongside evidence for substantial copper smelting and working. Developing complexity in Pre-dynastic Egypt is seen in a shift with developmental focus now from the south to the north. The Delta was believed to be the critical region in the later Pre-dynastic as the main channel of foreign influence into Egypt and also overland trade routes. Trigger et al (1984) notes that the important changes that took place in Predynastic Egypt were the evolution of ritual systems and the expanded lines of political authority transformations. These changes are though having a dramatic impact may fail to survive in the archaeological record. Many scholars such as Schulman or Wilding challenge the theory that a military conquest by southern rulers unified the Egyptian state as the Narmer Palette commemorates. It is now thought that the unification process occurred around 3100 B.C. and was formed successfully on a complex hierarchical social and political institution which was supported by a powerful economy with major interests in international commerce and politics. The success of Egypt lies in its centralisation of its early political systems, despite it being the least urbanised. Agricultural productivity was still closely dependent on the Nile flood Levels; but the socio-political evolution was a complex interweaving web, incorporating ecological uniformity and it exploited the transport potential of the Nile effectively. Old Kingdom settlement patterns play an important part to the understanding of emerging social complexity it can be seen as the disintegration of central authority and the rise of semi autonomous families in the provinces (Kemp 101). By the Late Old Kingdom control of local affairs once controlled by the Pharaohs overseer now began to come from provincial governors or monarchs. There can be seen a slow but continuous expansion and diversity of society with provincial administrative institutions helping to grow its complexity. The cultural history of Egypt cannot simply be explained in ecological or economic terms, these do play an import part, what is deeply rooted in Egypts success is its rise in Ideology. The Idea of divine kingship, where the whole structure of both state religious and political institutions are all derived from the very notion that the Pharaohs authority and so the states was divine in origin. Conclusion The emergence of complex societies is an enduring focus for archaeologists. Identifying when and under what circumstances a political transformation has occurred combined with in some cases evaluating competing ideas explaining the origins of states themselves. Research itself has proven difficult, in part because the process is not easy to understand with limited archaeological evidence, but also as it is not a unitary and rapid process.

Social Deviance in Bartleby the Scrivener Essay -- Bartleby Scrivener

Social Deviance in Bartleby the Scrivener Bartleby the Scrivener is a story that takes place on Wall Street, peopled by workers of a common mold. Being a non-conformatist of the most extreme type, Bartleby is eventually suffers a death of attrition. The message that Melville intends for the reader is how society has little tolerance for social deviance. I mentioned a common mold, the engine which impelled the "society" of Wall Street to keep on existing. This common mold consists of working a full day, going home and relax, possibly drinking some beer or whatnot. This is where the theme of ostracization of social deviance comes into play, expressed in the metaphor of individual versus society. Those who do not fit into the common mold are pressured to change or are removed forcibly. Bartleby is an example of a character that doesnÍt fit anywhere even near the mold...

Voice and Language in Their Eyes Were Watching God

Voice and Language in Their Eyes Were Watching God Oprisor Maria 1st year American Studies Voice and Language in Their Eyes Were Watching God In this paper I would like to focus on point of view and some aspects of stylistics in Zora Hurstons’ work Their Eyes Were Watching God. In particular, I will address the issue of narrative voice, the shifts between first person and third person, and I will also include in my analysis some aspects related to types of language variety and style variation. I have chosen this text because generally it is considered Zora Neale Hurston's most important piece of fiction, and because it is a proof of her ability to master language and voice. To illustrate my analysis I have selected some fragments which can be found at the end of the paper. I will make references to them whenever is necessary. The novel presents, in a combination of first and third person narration the story of Jamie Crawford and her three successive husbands. At several points in the text, Janie Crawford is prohibited from speaking, while at other points she chooses not to speak. Silence, then, is sometimes used as a tool of oppression and at other times as a tool of power. Even from the beginning of the novel it can be easily noticed the shifting narration; the viewpoint has moved from â€Å"every men† to â€Å"men† to â€Å"women† to â€Å"a woman† all these under the form of gossip of the front porch (see quote 1). While the earliest feminist interpretations put forward the idea that Janie achieves selfhood by claiming her voice, Barbara Johnson asserts that it is by accepting the inevitability of self-division that Janie gains the power of speech. She shows how Janie’s discovery that â€Å"she had an inside and an outside now and suddenly she knew how not to mix them†(Johnson: 50) has implications for Janie’s ability to speak. There are two paragraphs that highlight this aspect of inside and outside in Their Eyes Were Watching God (see quote 2). It can be noticed the image of Jody as an insider and in the second quote her image but this time as an outsider. Now she realizes that †looking at it she saw that it never was the flesh and blood figure of her dreams†. This proves that the inside and outside are never the same. When reading the novel the reader is introduced into a world where perspective and voice are in a permanent shift but it does not give the impression of unreliable narrators. The view point is controlled through a linguistic indicator of viewpoint, namely deixis. This is proved by adverbials of place like there and verbs like come. (see quote 2). Moreover through the novel we can mention the presence of social deixis_: Mr. and Mrs. _Turner or _Mrs. _Bogle: â€Å"Mrs. Bogle who was many times a grandmother, but had a blushing air of coquetry about her that cloaked her sunken cheeks. †(p. 230) When speaking about types of language variety we certainly can include dialect when analyzing Their Eyes Were Watching God. Zora Hurston manages, with great literary craftsmanship, to represent not only the speech and thought of her protagonist but also of the collective black community. She succeeds in doing this through free indirect speech. In the novel’s frame tale, Janie returns to Eatonville after a long absence. Townspeople sit on porches exchanging words full of drama and metaphor. In this context it is to be mentioned that phonetic changes as well as morphological changes exist at the level of the language. (see quote 3) Through all novel there are wonderful examples of dialogues that show literary craftsmanship of the twentieth-century Southern black vernacular speech. In terms of style variation, this is obvious at almost every page. It is easily detectable the â€Å"Systematic variation from one identifiable kind of language to another within the same text†(Short:1996)/ (see quote 3). All these demonstrate, without error, the way in which Zora Neale Hurston masters language and voice in Their Eyes Were Watching God. Hurston's great accomplishment is the creation of a literary language equivalent to the oral performances she admired as a child and studied as an ethnographer. Vernacular voices speak in and through the novel and the novel's words â€Å"[walk] without masters. † Their Eyes is a singular achievement. Quote 1: â€Å"Ships at a distance have every man’s wish on board. For some they come in with the tide. For others they sail forever on the horizon, never out of sight, never landing until the Watcher turns his eyes away in resignation, his drams mocked to death by Time. That is the life of men. Now, women forget all those things they don’t want to remember, and remember everything they don’t want to forget†¦So the beginning of this was a woman, and she had come back from burying a dead†¦Ã¢â‚¬ (p. 175) Quote 2: â€Å" So gradually, she pressed her teeth together and learned how to hush. The spirit of the marriage left the bedroom and took to living in the parlor. It was there to shake hands whenever company came to visit, but it never went back inside the bedroom again. So she put something in there to represent the spirit like a Virgin Mary image in a church. The bed was no longer a daisy-field for her and Joe to play in. It was a place where she went and laid down when she was sleepy and tired. † (p. 232) ~~~~~~~~~~ â€Å"Janie stood where he left for unmeasured time and thought. She stood there until something fell off the shelf inside her. Then she went inside there to see what it was. It was her image of Jody tumbled down and shattered. But looking at it she saw that it never was the flesh and blood figure of her dreams. Just something she had grabbed up to drape her dreams over. In a way she turned her back upon the image where it lay and looked further. She had no more blossomy openings dusting pollen over her man, neither any glistening young fruit where the petals used to be. She found that she had a host of thoughts she had never expressed to him, and numerous emotions she had never let Jody know about. Things packed up and put away in parts of her heart where he could never find them. She was saving up feelings for some man she had never seen. She had an inside and an outside now and suddenly she knew how not to mix them. † In the first paragraph the â€Å"marriage† moves outward from the bedroom to the parlor, replacing itself with the image of virginity. The second paragraph represents her image of Jody, but an image of an outsider. Know she realizes that â€Å"looking at it she saw that it never was the flesh and blood figure of her dreams†. Both paragraphs are an externalization of Janie’s feelings onto the outer surroundings. In figurative language, Barbara Johnson observes, â€Å"inside and outside are never the same† and she asserts that â€Å" Far from being an expression of Janie’ s new wholeness or identity as a character, Janie’s increasing ability to speak grows out of her ability not to mix inside with outside†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . (p. 233) Quote 3: â€Å"Seeing the woman as she was made them remember the envy they had stored up from other times. So they chewed up the back parts of their minds and swallowed with relish. They made burning statements with questions, and killing tools out of laughs. It was mass cruelty. A mood come alive Words walking without masters; walking altogether like harmony in a song. What she doin coming back here in dem overhalls? Can't she find no dress to put on? — Where's dat blue satin dress she left here in? — Where all dat money her husband took and died and left her? — What dat ole forty year ole ‘oman doin' wid her hair swingin' down her back lak some young gal? Where she left dat young lad of a boy she went off here wid? – Thought she was going to marry? — Where he left her? — What he done wid all her money? — Betcha he off wid some gal so young she ain't even got no hairs — why she don't stay in her class? â€Å"(p. 175) References: Barbara, Johnson, Metaphor, Metonymy, and Voice in Their Eyes Were Watching God, in Wall, 2000, ZORA NEALE HURSTON’S Their Eyes Were Watching God, New York: Oxford Un iversity Press. Short, M. , 1996, Exploring the Language of Poems, Plays and Prose, London, New York: Longman. Zora, N. , Hurston, 2002, Their Eyes Were Watching God, Library of America.

Principal Parts of Irregular Verbs in English (S-W)

Principal Parts of Irregular Verbs in English (S-W) In the table below, youll find the principal parts of the most common irregular verbs  in English (from S to W). To find the correct past or past participle form of a verb not included in the list, check your dictionary. If the dictionary gives only the present form of the verb, presume that the verb is regular and forms the past and past participle by adding -d or -ed. Principal Parts of Irregular Verbs S-W PRESENT PAST PAST PARTICIPLE sit sat sat sleep slept slept slide slid slid sling slung slung slit slit slit speak spoke spoken speed sped (or speeded) sped (or speeded) spin spun spun split split split spread spread spread spring sprang (or sprung) sprung stand stood stood steal stole stolen stick stuck stuck sting stung stung stink stank (or stunk) stunk strike struck struck (or stricken) string strung strung swear swore sworn sweep swept swept swell swelled swelled (or swollen) swim swam swum swing swung swung take took taken teach taught taught tear tore torn tell told told think thought thought throw threw thrown thrust thrust thrust wake woke (or waked) woke (or waked or woken) wear wore worn weave wove woven weep wept wept win won won wind wound wound write wrote written Continue with: Irregular Verbs:  Arise  to  GrowIrregular Verbs:  Hang  to  Sink